critique of hegel's philosophy of right quotes

Abstract spiritualism (i.e., immaterialism) is abstract materialism; abstract materialism is the abstract spiritualism of matter. However, the radical separation of the terms “state” and “civil society” is Hegel's very own accomplishment; so much so, in fact, that his thinking had a long way to go and to develop before he was at last, in the 1821 Philosophy of Right, able to complete the terminological operation.

This did not stop him, however, from pursuing the subject. The real starting-point, without which the end and the authoritative powers of the state must be so many castles in the air, vacuous, nay, impracticable existences, appears merely as the latest predicate of the substantiality which had already been defined earlier as a universal end and as the various state powers (Crown, Executive, Legislature). Hegel treats these abstract notions as extremes which can be and must be reconciled with each other. The same thing is true of the critique of Bauer, Stirner and Proudhon. The truth is, there is no real opposition between religion and philosophy; for they are in different planes: philosophy aims to encompass religion, includes and comprehends religion in its illusory actuality. But at the same time, in the womb of the modern state the principle of subjectivity is brought back within the substantive unity, so that this unity is maintained in the principle of subjectivity itself. Introduction to A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right by Karl Marx Deutsch-Französische Jahrbucher, February, 1844 For Germany, the criticism of religion has been essentially completed, and the criticism of religion is the Bu üretim ilişkilerinin tümü, toplumun iktisadi yapısının, belirli toplumsal bilinç şekillerine tekabül eden bir hukuksal ve siyasal üstyapının, üzerinde yükseldiği gerçek temeli oluşturur. Time now to go on and follow in its main outlines Marx's Critique of Hegel's constitutional law. But in the opposition between the two aspects, between external necessity and immanent end, there lies an antinomy which Hegel is unable to resolve. For it is only in the representative body of the estates that civil society organizes itself so as to assume a political existence. Hegel is not to be blamed for delineating the essential nature of the modern state as it is, but because he presents what is as the essential nature of the state.

But even the last bulwark, the divine unimpeachability of the individual “I”, the private religion of the subject, the self-sufficiency of the perfect atom, even this final bulwark disappeared with Epicurus; and no form of modern Epicureanism is capable of resurrecting it. “Varlıklarının toplumsal üretiminde, insanlar, belirli ilişkiler kurarlar; bu üretim ilişkileri, onların maddi üretici güçlerinin belirli bir gelişme derecesine tekabül eder. “The criticism of religion ends with the teaching that man is the highest essence for man – hence, with the categoric imperative to overthrow all relations in which man is a debased, enslaved, abandoned, despicable essence, relations which cannot be better described than by the cry of a Frenchman when it was planned to introduce a tax on dogs: 'Poor dogs! The fact is, the “public consciousness” is here simply equated with the empirical, general pool of the opinions of the many, the totality of views and ideas to be found among the mass. In the abstract from Marx’s manuscript The Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, he claims that “to abolish religion as the illusory happiness of the people is to demand their real happiness.” Marx believes that in order to find real self-happiness, people should not have to rely on religion, and that religion should be completely abolished. Pg.145 Paragraph 3) From this statement, multiple natural occurrences in the world can be linked to support the reductionist approach to religion and why we as mankind, should reduce what we project into a “divine being” back into ourselves. The monarch must constitute, in the legislature, the medium between the governmental authority and the “estates” (classes); but the government (the Executive) is itself the mediating factor between the monarch and the estates, and the estates are a similar factor between the monarch and civil society. So, to the very end of his life, Marx remains preoccupied by this task of revision; and so he himself has summed up his life's work. The state is the finished development of the ethical cosmos; but in its absolute perfection it stands enthroned above what is in reality the poor ethical condition of its members. In Middle Ages the classes of civil society and the political classes were identical. Hegel deduces birthright from the Absolute Idea, “The state is the actuality of the ethical Idea”, Hegel does not allow society to become the actually determining thing. But about the condition of dependence Hegel is less clear. In Brave New World, everyone is placed into a caste system, where Alphas, the most intelligent, are the smallest population and the Epsilons, the least intelligent, are who work the most labor and have the largest population, but all serve a purpose of working as a whole. Hegel's opposition to Epicurus' theory of atoms is so explicit because his keen gaze has recognized the astoundingly accurate reproduction of it in the poor actual state of ethical life in civil society. If it is indeed circumstances and individual caprice that form the state's point of contact with family and civil society, then evidently the reason (rationality) of the state (Staatsvernunft) has no bearing on this assigning of the material of the state to the spheres of family and civil society. It was the greatness of Epicurus that he dared to look this de-divinized nature straight in the face and refused to venerate the universe as God, that he had the courage to find the de-terrestrialized God simply and solely in the impalpable freedom of his own self-awareness. b. Hegel’s Mediations Marx's account does indeed represent a remarkable abridgement of the historical perspective. Marx has noticed, evidently, that there is some difficulty about this term. The end of their existence is not that existence as such; but the idea separates these presuppositions from itself, “so that on the basis of their ideality it can be for itself infinite, actual mind”; that is to say, the political state cannot be, apart from the natural basis of the family and the artificial basis of civil society.

We have here been able to follow Marx's dissecting knife in its every movement. Marx would be the last to deny that in all this Hegel has correctly represented the actual nature of modern monarchies, including constitutional ones. Humans have created this concept that has influenced others so much that they have forgotten what the real world was like before religion was created. In a previous lecture (part I, chapter 10) I used these letters to show that what Marx did with this article in 1843 was in fact implementing something he had done already in the previous year; so I need not go any further into the history of the matter now. Thus the logical development of family and civil society into state is just illusory; for it is not explained how family sentiment, civic sentiment, the institution of the family and social institutions as such relate to political sentiment and the political constitution and how they cohere with them. Hegel's Vorrede is an express attack on Epicurus. to be the class of every citizen.”. Anyone who sets the Vorrede to Marx's dissertation alongside the Vorrede to Hegel's Philosophy of Right must be struck by the close affinity between them. c. The Political Sentiment The first section, on constitutional law, is discussed in Marx's critique of Hegel's constitutional law; in this connection he takes extreme care to pay special attention to Hegel's views on the relationship of the state to religion (which had been passed over in the critique of Hegel's constitutional law), implicitly in the “Introduction” to that critique and explicitly in the article on “the Jewish question”. Die Produktionsweise des materiellen Lebens bedingt den sozialen, politischen und geistigen Lebensprozeß überhaupt. a. Hegel deduces birthright from the Absolute Idea In Hegel, the line of classical philosophy, the line running from Plato through Aristotle, is extended into the modern period. He freed man from outer religiosity because he made religiosity the inner man. We see here a notional development that typifies Marx's style of thought and the style of his critique of Hegel. On the second sheet, the first of the surviving manuscript, he summarizes the content of this section quite briefly as the argument that concrete freedom consists in the identity of the system of particular interests (Sonderinteresse) (of the family and civil society) with the system of universal interests (allgemeine Interesse) (of the state).

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