dennis v united states

October 1, 2020 12:45 pm Published by Leave your thoughts


But speech is seldom restricted to a single purpose, and its effects may be manifold. Proc.

. 596-597. 12 Unless we are to hold our Government captive in a judge-made verbal trap, we must approach the problem of a well-organized, nation-wide conspiracy, such as I have [341 U.S. 494, 569] described, as realistically as our predecessors faced the trivialities that were being prosecuted until they were checked with a rule of reason. (1939). The statute presented in De Jonge v. Oregon, 299 U.S. 353 , had been construed to apply to anyone who merely assisted in the conduct of a meeting held under the auspices of the Communist Party. And in Schaefer the test was said to be one of "degree," 251 U.S. at 482, although it is not clear whether "degree" refers to clear and present danger or evil. But petitioners themselves contend that the verbalization "clear and present danger" is the proper standard. Citation341 U.S. 494, 71 S. Ct. 857, 95 L. Ed.

With them on the brief was Richard Gladstein.

We must view such a question in the light of whatever is relevant to a legislative judgment. On occasion we have strained to interpret legislation in order to limit its effect on interests protected by the First Amendment.
It is urged that such vagueness contravenes the First and Fifth Amendments. Validity of local ordinance or regulation: West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 639 (1943); Carlson v. California, 310 U.S. 106, 113 (1940). This argument is particularly nonpersuasive when presented by petitioners, who, the jury found, intended to overthrow the Government as speedily as circumstances would permit.

. Obviously, the words cannot mean that before the Government may act, it must wait until the putsch is about to be executed, the plans have been laid and the signal is awaited.

Full and free discussion has indeed been the first article of our faith. A public interest is not wanting in granting freedom to speak their minds even to those who advocate the overthrow of the Government by force. In the context of this deeper struggle, another voice has indicated the limitations of what we decide today. As construed and applied in this case, 2 (a) (1), 2 (a) (3) and 3 of the Smith Act, 54 Stat. This is the -- there have been two conspiracy prosecutions Mr. Justice Stewart. The evidence showed publication of articles which accused American troops of weakness and mendacity and in one instance misquoted or mistranslated two words of a Senator's speech. The Communist Party realistically is a state within a state, an authoritarian dictatorship within a republic. Debs v. United States, supra, at 216. There the defendant had been convicted under a New York statute nearly identical with the Smith Act now before us.
Although we do not agree that the language itself has that significance, we must bear in mind that it is the duty of the federal courts to interpret federal legislation in a manner not inconsistent with the demands of the Constitution. . 591, 725 (1938). It is as absurd to be confident that we can measure the present clash of forces and [341 U.S. 494, 552] their outcome as to ask us to read history still enveloped in clouds of controversy. The first paragraph of the quoted instructions calls for the jury to find the facts essential to establish the substantive crime, violation of 2 (a) (1) and 2 (a) (3) of [341 U.S. 494, 513] the Smith Act, involved in the conspiracy charge. One of the bases for the contention that the means which Congress has employed are invalid takes the form of an attack on the face of the statute on the grounds that by its terms it prohibits academic discussion of the merits of Marxism-Leninism, that it stifles ideas and is contrary to all concepts of a free speech and a free press. See Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat. Second Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed.

Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494 (1951), was a United States Supreme Court case relating to Eugene Dennis, General Secretary of the Communist Party USA. (a) The first important application of the principle was made in six cases arising under the Espionage Act of 1917. Const., 1780, Part I, Art. Since it was entirely reasonable for a state to attempt to protect itself from violent overthrow, the statute was perforce reasonable. Discussion. New York: Harper and Row, 1988.

Absolute rules would inevitably lead to absolute exceptions, and such exceptions would eventually corrode the rules. In the cases in which the opinions go farthest towards indicating a total rejection of respect for legislative determinations, the interests between which choice was actually made were such that decision might well have been expressed in the familiar terms of want of reason in the legislative judgment.

Raymond Dennis and others were members of the Communist Party; they were also officers and members of the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers. Abrams v. United States, supra; Schaefer v. United States, supra; Pierce v. United States, supra; Gilbert v. Minnesota, 254 U.S. 325 . "What finally emerges from the `clear and present danger' cases is a working principle that the substantive evil must be extremely serious and the degree of imminence extremely high before utterances can be punished. The doctrine that there must be a clear and present danger of a substantive evil that Congress has a right to prevent is a judicial rule to be applied as a matter of law by the courts. They did not fear political change. Robertson v. Baldwin, 165 U.S. 275, 281 . .

Dennis was convicted of conspiring with other Communist Party leaders to overthrow the government by force or violence under the Smith Act.

or teach the duty, necessity, desirability, or propriety of overthrowing or destroying any government in the United States by force or violence . .". Much that should be rejected as illiberal, because repressive and envenoming, may well be not unconstitutional. . But how are competing interests to be assessed? Unlock your Study Buddy for the 14 day, no risk, unlimited trial. The Smith Act and this conviction under it no doubt restrict the exercise of free speech and assembly. The Court, in antitrust cases, early upheld the power of Congress to adopt the ancient common law that makes conspiracy itself a crime. Freedom Of Speech-Why Government Restricts Speech-Unprotected And Less Protected Expression, 14,000 + case briefs, hundreds of Law Professor developed 'quick' Black Letter Law. Judge Medina thus reserved to himself, and ultimately to Congress, the heart of the clear and present danger test: an inquiry into the nature of the conduct outlawed. The convictions of members and creators of the Communist Party under the Smith Act (the Act) were upheld by the Supreme Court of the United States (Supreme Court) which held that the Act was constitutional because it was directed at advocacy not discussion. Intent, of course, often makes the difference in the law. Even those who would most freely use the judicial [341 U.S. 494, 556] brake on the democratic process by invalidating legislation that goes deeply against their grain, acknowledge, at least by paying lip service, that constitutionality does not exact a sense of proportion or the sanity of humor or an absence of fear. Reiterated, United States v. Socony-Vacuum Oil Co., 310 U.S. 150, 252 . Petitioners' reliance upon Justice Brandeis' language in his concurrence in Whitney, supra, is misplaced. Now the limited grant of certiorari here I think obligates any necessity for any extended statement on the facts in the evidence.

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