mccutcheon v federal election commission case brief

October 1, 2020 12:45 pm Published by Leave your thoughts


Jul 23 2013: SET FOR ARGUMENT on Tuesday, October 8, 2013. Disputing Roberts’s contention that there are no legal and realistic scenarios whereby the absence of aggregate limits would lead to circumvention of the base limits, Breyer discussed at length three such examples and rebutted Roberts’s criticism that they and others are “either illegal…or divorced from reality.” He also charged that Roberts had failed to show that the alternative measures he suggested would work as well as aggregate limits to prevent circumvention. [22], On April 2, 2014, the court ruled, 5–4, for the appellants. Party name: Democratic Members of the United States House of Representatives, Party name: National Republican Senatorial Committee and National Republican Congressional Committee, Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, Party name: Representatives Chris Van Hollen and David Price, Thomas Jefferson Center for Protection of Free Expression, Party name: Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression and the Media Institute. McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, 572 U.S. 185 (2014), is a landmark campaign finance decision of the United States Supreme Court.The decision held that Section 441 of the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA), which imposed a limit on contributions an individual can make over a two-year period to national party and federal candidate committees, is unconstitutional. Roberts, C. J., announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which Scalia, Kennedy, and Alito, JJ., joined. What's remarkable is that four justices of the Supreme Court continue to believe that such overt limitations on political speech are constitutional. This Term the Roberts Court returns to one of its favorite arenas of constitutional jurisprudence – First Amendment free expression law. To do any of this, however, would have contravened existing aggregate contribution limits. “An aggregate limit on how many candidates and committees an individual may support through contributions is not a ‘modest restraint’ at all,” Roberts wrote. Eliminating the aggregate restriction, Judge Brown reasoned, would enable a contributor to give half a million dollars to a joint fundraising committee that included a national party committee and others.

It was decided on April 2, 2014, by a 5–4 vote,[3] reversing the decision below and remanding. Statement of the Facts: The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 impose certain limits on political contributions by individuals or entities.

Several of the briefs also tender originalist arguments on the Founders’ broad understanding of political corruption, exceeding the quid pro quo view of corruption. Brief amicus curiae of Senator Mitch McConnell filed. The James opinion, however, was written by U.S. District Judge James E. Posted Mon, August 12th, 2013 11:18 am by Ronald Collins and David Skover. "[31], In The New Yorker, Jeffrey Toobin wrote that "the language of Chief Justice John Roberts's opinion suggests that the Court remains committed to the project announced most prominently in the Citizens United case, four years ago: the deregulation of American political campaigns."[32]. The case was argued before the Supreme Court on October 8, 2013,[2] being brought on appeal after the United States District Court for the District of Columbia dismissed the challenge. Argued. [4] Amendments to FECA in 1974, after the Watergate Scandal, limited the total amount of direct contributions an individual could make to national political parties and federal candidates in a given year. But for existing law, Mr. McCutcheon would have given $25,000 to each of three political committees established by the Republican Party. Finally, noting that “this Court’s expertise does not lie in marshalling facts in the primary instance,” he faulted the plurality for simply reversing the district court’s decision rather than returning the case for evidentiary proceedings, which would have reliably determined whether the court’s constitutional conclusions were supported by empirical fact.
Eastern Railroad Presidents Conference v. Noerr Motor Freight, Inc. California Motor Transport Co. v. Trucking Unlimited, Smith v. Arkansas State Highway Employees, Buckley v. American Constitutional Law Foundation, BE and K Construction Co. V. National Labor Relations Board, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=McCutcheon_v._FEC&oldid=962706370, United States Free Speech Clause case law, United States Supreme Court cases of the Roberts Court, Articles lacking reliable references from April 2014, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License. Solicitor General Donald Verrilli, Jr., is representing the Federal Election Commission. "[30] Samuelson also said that there are poor politicians who cannot communicate and so need money "to hire campaign staff, build a website, buy political spots and the like" to "affect how people behave.

Brief amicus curiae of Brennan Center for Justice at N.Y.U. Order extending time to file response to petition to and including January 2, 2013. After a certain point, more money hits the law of diminishing returns. [5] The Court's decision in Valeo recognized that independent contributions were protected speech, but also held that the aggregate contribution limits were constitutional because the government had a compelling interest in preventing "corruption" and the "appearance of corruption". In his controlling opinion for a splintered 5–4 majority, Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., argued that Buckley’s explicit endorsement of aggregate limits did not establish a precedent that the current court was obliged to follow. Thirty-eight years ago, Yale Law School Professor Ralph K. Winter, noted Washington lawyer Bryce M. Claggett and ACLU attorney Joel Gora squared off against Harvard Law Professor Archibald Cox, distinguished lawyer Lloyd N. Cutler, Attorney General Edward Levi, and Solicitor General Robert Bork over the constitutionality of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended in 1974. Only 30 hours after the McCutcheon case came down, Professors Ronald K. L. Collins and David Skover published an 80,000-word narrative account of the history of the case, which included an analysis of the Court's opinion.

Consent to the filing of amicus curiae briefs, in support of either party or of neither party, received from the Solicitor General.

for the District of Columbia is electronic and located on PACER. The Supreme Court ruled in the case of McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission Wednesday, striking down overall limits on campaign contributions. Brief of appellee Federal Election Commission filed. Audio Transcription for Opinion Announcement - April 02, 2014 (Part 1) in McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission.

This is demonstrated by the fact that “there are multiple alternatives available to Congress that would serve the Government’s anticircumvention interest” without engaging in such “unnecessary abridgment.” Such measures could include “targeted restrictions” on transfers among party committees and on transfers to party committees from candidates, which are currently unlimited (and which formed the basis of the circumvention scenario envisioned by the district court); the tightening of current earmarking rules to prevent a substantial portion of a donor’s contribution to a PAC from being transferred to a single candidate; and the implementation of broad disclosure requirements, which “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption by exposing large contributions and expenditures to the light of publicity,” as the Buckley court observed. (18-540), Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg awarded Liberty Medal. DISTRIBUTED for Conference of February 15, 2013. filed. After all, the government had a sufficiently important interest to prevent actual corruption or the appearance of corruption through contributions given during the election campaign cycle.

Ronald Collins is the Harold S. Shefelman Scholar at the University of Washington School of Law.

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